Ask an Ethicist: How important is empathy in the U.S. presidential election?

Image: © Antoniooo / Shutterstock

Image: © Antoniooo / Shutterstock

In partnership with the Rock Ethics Institute, Penn State Today’s feature column, “Ask an Ethicist,” aims to shed light on ethical questions from our readers. Each article in this column will feature a different ethical question answered by a Penn State ethicist. We invite you to ask a question by filling out and submitting this form. An archive of the columns can be found on the Rock Ethics Institute website.

By Daryl Cameron, Assistant Professor of Psychology

 

Question: Do U.S. presidents need empathy in order to govern effectively?

Daryl Cameron is an ethics core faculty member in the Department of Psychology and the Rock Ethics Institute. Daryl’s research focuses on the psychological processes involved in empathy and moral decision-making. Much of his work examines motivational factors that shape empathic emotions and behaviors toward others, particularly in response to large-scale crises (e.g., natural disasters, genocides) and in intergroup situations. (Image: Penn State)

Daryl Cameron is an ethics core faculty member in the Department of Psychology and the Rock Ethics Institute. Daryl’s research focuses on the psychological processes involved in empathy and moral decision-making. Much of his work examines motivational factors that shape empathic emotions and behaviors toward others, particularly in response to large-scale crises (e.g., natural disasters, genocides) and in intergroup situations. (Image: Penn State)

An ethicist responds: As Election Day nears, voters are debating the qualities that make for an effective leader. One contested quality is empathy: the ability to understand and resonate with the experiences of others. Does it matter if a president can relate to you and care about what you are going through? On the one hand, empathy may enable democratic governance by increasing awareness of different points of view. On the other hand, empathy might cause partiality and favoritism to particular points of view, clouding objectivity and fair judgment.

The issue is timely. In an August Quinnipiac University national poll, Republicans and Democrats rated the ability to “care about average Americans” as one of the top traits for a presidential candidate to have. Respondents rated Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton as higher on caring than Republican nominee Donald Trump, but this was split along partisan lines, with respondents rating their own party’s candidate as more caring. In a more recent poll after the first presidential debate, likely Pennsylvania voters rated Clinton higher than Trump on whether they “will look out for people like you”, but again split along party lines. People want leaders with empathy, and believe that their preferred leader excels at it. Indeed, some research finds that people view empathy as a “moral signal”: When they perceive someone’s behavior is moved by empathy, they judge that person as having higher moral character.

Although it is debated how much empathy perceptions impact election outcomes, it is clearly a trait that people want their leaders to have. Vice President Joe Biden claimed that Trump lacks the empathy and compassion to be a sound leader, and many others criticized Trump for his failure to sympathize with the Khan family, who lost their son fighting for American forces in Iraq. More recently, Trump’s remarks about the physical appearance of model Alicia Machado, and about assaulting women, have been judged as indicating a lack of empathy. On the other hand, Clinton has been criticized for failing to resonate with voters, and for using empathy superficially; for instance, when her campaign posted that she was just like an abuela (Spanish for grandmother), many said this failed to appreciate the unique experiences of Latina women. Clinton was suggested to lack empathy for rural Americans when she called some Trump supporters “a basket of deplorables,” even as she was explicitly encouraging listeners from both parties to be more empathic across group divides. Presidents throughout history are expected to excel at empathy — to “feel your pain,” as Bill Clinton famously put it.

Although empathy is seen as desirable, does it promote sound decision-making? This question is hotly debated, especially when it comes to leadership. Many politicians extol the virtues of empathy — Barack Obama has framed the “empathy deficit” as a national problem and encouraged students to expand their empathy, and Hillary Clinton has suggested that empathizing with others can make us more powerful peacemakers internationally. Echoing these calls, models of ethical leadership suggest that understanding the experiences of others can help leaders to transform and elevate the values and moral climate of their communities.

Yet, empathy may also seem to cloud objective judgment. President Obama has claimed that good judges need empathy to be effective, and although Sonia Sotomayor said her personal experiences would give her a unique connection to the lives of others, she also reiterated her impartiality during the nomination process. Recent critiques suggest that empathy may actually promote parochial biases and injustice, by attuning us to the plight of those who are similar to us, at the expense of everyone else.

But does empathy always produce partiality? Not necessarily.

Yes, much work shows that empathy is reduced for people who are dissimilar to us, even when these differences are trivial and minimal. However, this intergroup empathy gap may be malleable and reflect our own choices to curb our empathy, not an inevitable limitation on empathy itself. Many studies reveal that changing how people think and relate to empathy can remove make empathy less partial. Intergroup empathy gaps go away when people believe that empathy is emotionally rewardingrather than exhausting; that empathy can be incrementally improved as a skill; and that empathy is valued by their peers. So too when people have positive interactions with dissimilar others. Empathy may only play favorites when we want it to.

Overall, then, there is not a simple relationship between empathy and leadership. People want empathic leaders, because this can signal moral character, and such leaders may be better able to understand and serve their communities. Although empathy can lead to partiality, this may reflect our own choices of where to extend empathy and not some built-in “glitch” in empathy itself. Instead, we should ask: who chooses to feel empathy, and why? Empathy can be a decisive moral force. In understanding why people choose to expand or contract empathy, we can learn about the moral values of those who aspire to lead at the highest level.

Daryl Cameron is an ethics core faculty member in the Department of Psychology and the Rock Ethics Institute. Daryl’s research focuses on the psychological processes involved in empathy and moral decision-making. Much of his work examines motivational factors that shape empathic emotions and behaviors toward others, particularly in response to large-scale crises (e.g., natural disasters, genocides) and in intergroup situations. 

Have a question? Submit it here.

Note: The “Ask an Ethicist” column is a forum to promote ethical awareness and inquiry across the Penn State community. These articles represent the interests and judgments of each author as an individual scholar and are neither official positions of the Rock Ethics Institute nor Penn State University. They are designed to offer a possible approach to a subject and are not intended as definitive statements on what is or is not ethical in any given situation. Read the full disclaimer.

Experts available to media for presidential debate analysis

AmericaAs Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump take to the stage again Wednesday evening in the final presidential candidate debate, Penn State experts will be watching along with the rest of the general public, and they’ll be availably immediately afterward to give their analysis to media.

Penn State experts are available to comment on the debate by texpertise topic:

 

IMMIGRATION
Shoba Sivaprasad Wadhia, a clinical professor of law and director of the Center for Immigrants’ Rights, will be watching the debate and is working to fact check the candidates’ statements regarding immigration law and policy.
Contact: ssw11@psu.edu

 

SUPREME COURT
Michael Nelson, assistant professor of political science, specializes in American politics, state politics, and judicial politics. His research examines the effects of judicial elections on the development of the law as well as the determinants and effects of public support for state and federal courts in the United States.
Contact: mjn15@psu.edu

 

FITNESS TO BE PRESIDENT
— Nichola Gutgold, professor of communication arts and sciences, is an expert on women in politics. She can speak about past female political candidates and barriers women face today. She is the author of “Madam President: Five Women Who Paved the Way.”
Contact: ngutgold@psu.edu

— Christopher Beem, manager of the Penn State McCourtney Institute for Democracy, can speak generally about American politics, the state of democracy and the political debate. He is the author of “Democratic Humility” and four other books.
Contact: cxb518@psu.edu

 

FOREIGN HOT SPOTS
— Dennis Jett, professor of international affairs, can speak to the topic of securing America. He is a former American ambassador who joined the School of International Affairs after a career in the U.S. Foreign Service that spanned 28 years and three continents. His experience and expertise focus on international relations, foreign aid administration, and American foreign policy.
Contact: dcj10@psu.edu

 

CYBER SECURITY
— Anne McKenna, visiting assistant professor of law, is available to talk about key cyber, social media, electronic privacy and email issues in the Presidential Election. She is a nationally recognized trial attorney and author in cyber, privacy, electronic surveillance and cellular law. She can discuss the use of social media in the election by both parties, the influence of hacking in this election and the broader implications of online privacy and security.
Contact: atm19@psu.edu

Sascha Meinrath is the Palmer Chair in Telecommunications at Penn State and director of X-Lab, an innovative think tank focusing on the intersection of vanguard technologies and public policy. Professor Meinrath is a renowned technology policy expert and is internationally recognized for his work over the past two decades as a community internet pioneer, social entrepreneur and angel investor.
Contact: sdm5500@psu.edu

 

GENERAL POLITICS AND DEBATE EXPERTS:
— Robert Speel, associate professor of political science, can speak generally about the debate and historical moments in past presidential debates. He recently wrote an article for The Conversation about the five key debate moments that altered the course of a presidential race. His research interests include elections and voting behavior, state and urban politics, Congress and the Presidency, and public policy.
Contact: rws15@psu.edu

Mark Major is a senior lecturer in the department and the author of “The Unilateral Presidency and the News Media: The Politics of Framing Executive Power.” He specializes in the American presidency and political communication. He recently wrote an article for The Conversation about President Obama’s use of unilateral powers compared to other presidents.
Contact: mgm26@psu.edu

 

For more information or direct phone numbers for the experts, please contact News and Media Relations at 814-865-7517 or hrobbins@psu.edu.

How does Obama’s use of unilateral powers compare to other presidents?

President Barack Obama meets with Amy Pope, Deputy Homeland Security Advisor, who briefs him and Chief of Staff Denis McDonough on the potential cases of non-travel related Zika announced by the Florida Department of Health earlier today, in the Oval Office, July 27, 2016. (Official White House Photo by Pete Souza)

President Barack Obama meets with Amy Pope, Deputy Homeland Security Advisor, who briefs him and Chief of Staff Denis McDonough on the potential cases of non-travel related Zika announced by the Florida Department of Health earlier today, in the Oval Office, July 27, 2016. (Official White House Photo by Pete Souza)

Mark Major, Pennsylvania State University

During a 2008 town hall event, then Senator Barack Obama told the audience that as a legal scholar and teacher, he took the Constitution “very seriously.” He went on to criticize the Bush administration, asserting:

“The biggest problems that we’re facing right now have to do with George Bush trying to bring more and more power into the executive branch and not go through Congress at all.”

When he was a presidential candidate, it was easy for Obama to criticize the unpopular Bush administration. Once he was in the Oval Office, though, and facing what two congressional scholars call the “uncompromising opposition” of the Republican Party, Obama’s stance on executive power transformed. He realized that, as John F. Kennedy said, “Many things can be done by a stroke of the presidential pen.”

Kennedy was referring to the unilateral powers of the presidency.

Ways to go it alone

Presidents have more than one way to act without the support of Congress and the courts.

These presidential powers include executive orders, proclamations, national security directives and memoranda. The powers matter because many important policies like integrating the military and institutions like the Peace Corps are products of presidents going it alone.

Mark Major

Mark Major

These actions are often controversial because these powers are not part of the Constitution. Although presidents since George Washington have been using unilateral authority, scholars point out that the use of these powers have become more significant under recent presidents. Indeed, University of Chicago scholar William G. Howell argues that the capacity to go it alone is a key characteristic of the modern presidency.

So President Obama is following a rich tradition. As Concordia University professor Graham Dodds writes in his valuable book, “Take Up Your Pen,” Teddy Roosevelt provided the template for the modern president – a model that all of his successors have emulated, regardless of party.

Although he didn’t invent executive power, Roosevelt redefined what could be construed as legitimate. He “established and largely institutionalized the practice of regularly using unilateral presidential directives for significant purposes,” Dodd tells us. Roosevelt issued more than 1,000 executive directives in areas from race relations to simplifying English spelling. Echoing contemporary Republican complaints about President Obama, critics of Roosevelt decried his administration as a “dictatorship” and declared him “Caesar.”

A busy 100 days

For his part, President Obama hit the ground running once in office. According to one report, he issued more unilateral directives “in his first 100 days than any president since Franklin Roosevelt.”

Early in his tenure, Obama issued directives banning torture, made efforts to make his administration more transparent and ordered Guantanamo Bay closed. He also issued a series of pro-labor directives that reversed Bush-era policies.

Throughout his two terms, Obama has implemented major administrative regulations, nearly 50 percent more than President George W. Bush. These include workplace protections, raising the minimum wage for federal employees, extending rights to marginalized groups including an order banning federal contractors from discriminating against LGBT workers and raising fuel efficiency standards. The New York Times recently noted that under Obama’s progressive actions, “the government has literally placed a higher value on human life.”

Despite all of this activity, Obama has also shown some restraint in this polarized political era. Consider executive orders – one of the most frequently used unilateral powers with more than 15,000 issued since the Washington administration. Obama has signed just 33 annually on average, fewer than any president since Grover Cleveland during his first term.

One reason for Obama’s cautiousness may be that presidents are less likely to issue directives during periods of divided government. During Obama’s first term, when he enjoyed unified government during his first two years in office, he averaged 37 executive orders per year. This average dropped to 29 in his second term when Republicans were running Congress.

A team of one

So how effective are these unilateral moves?

Research shows usually quite effective. Congress and the courts have trouble pushing back against presidential directives. However, Obama has been frustrated on a few fronts.

For one, Congress has thwarted Obama’s efforts at tackling gun violence. The president’s lack of progress in this arena demonstrates the limits of a unilateral approach. As Bowdoin professor Andrew Rudalevige tells us, “The most substantive shifts Obama is proposing require legislative approval” – and he didn’t get it. Congress also rejected Obama’s early directive to shut down Guantanamo.

The Supreme Court, for its part, has effectively nullified Obama’s actions on immigration reform and temporarily halted his historic reductions of power plant emissions mandated through the Environmental Protection Agency.

No change ahead

Expect more presidential directives from the next administration. Both Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump have promised, keeping with tradition, to use the unilateral tools while in the White House.

Additionally, if Trump wins, Obama will likely use his powers to implement last-minute agenda items like trade, immigration and health care. A flurry of last-minute orders is typical when the opposing party is taking over the White House.

While his legislative accomplishments like the Affordable Care Act are noteworthy, President Obama’s legacy will be defined in no small part by what he did alone. Obama joins a long line of presidents who were suspicious of these powers before taking office, but who realized the strong appeal of them as a sitting president.

Paul Begala, an adviser to the Clinton administration, put it best, “Stroke of the pen. Law of the land. Kind of cool.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

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